Opinion | Columnists
Muslims must address Darfur crisis
The situation in Sudan is a genuine calamity, and it deserves attention
- By Joseph A. Kechichian, Special to Gulf News
- Published: 00:00 November 19, 2009
- Image Credit: Ramachandra Babu,Gulf News
Turkish officials have denied that Ankara informally asked Sudanese President Omar Hassan Al Bashir to cancel his plans to visit Istanbul on November 9 for a key summit of the Standing Committee for Economic and Commercial Cooperation of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC). Al Bashir risked arrest for crimes against humanity because he is the first sitting head of state to be indicted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) at The Hague. In fact, the ICC's decision on March 4 to issue a warrant should not be dismissed, and while several countries have hosted Al Bashir since his indictment, war crimes committed in Darfur stand as a serious challenge to Khartoum. What can be done to end the Darfur massacres and save Sudan from itself?
Nearly half a million human beings have been killed in Darfur since the crisis began in 2003, along with widespread devastation to the region's animal life. Entire villages were razed with awful consequences for the environment. As is customary in much of the developing world, the poor are encouraged to kill each other, which in the Darfur witnesses uniformed troops, Janjaweed militias and rebel groups systematically abusing hapless civilians, especially vulnerable women.
Khartoum's political explanations hover around perceived secessionist threats from Darfuris, following on a similar and, so far unsuccessful, South Sudanese quest for independence. Al Bashir's legitimising problems are serious because he failed to reach a peaceful settlement of the many disputes ravaging his country. To make matters worse, he defied and continues to resist a 2004 UN Security Council arms embargo. UN officials in Khartoum periodically report that Sudanese military personnel "openly [unload weapons] in front of you," which is not a particularly smart thing to do.
While Chinese companies manufacture most of these arms and ammunition, Beijing is strongly motivated to maintain its growing military role in Sudan, perhaps to ingratiate itself with Al Bashir and secure long-term access to the country's natural resources. In fact, the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), which is that nation's largest energy company, owns 40 per cent of the Greater Nile Petroleum Operating Company, the consortium that dominates Sudanese oil fields. CNPC is pumping crude oil in Southern Sudan and shipping it through a 1,600-kilometre long Chinese-made pipeline that ends at Port Sudan, on the Red Sea, where tankers load up the black gold and transport it to China's industrial cities.
In addition to these oil industry activities, Chinese workers are active in several large-scale construction projects, which is illustrative of where the crux of the matter lies. One hopes that US President Barack Obama included Sudan in his recent discussions with Chinese leaders in Beijing. Indeed, no peaceful resolution of the Darfur crisis can honestly be foreseen, without a clear understanding between the United States and China.
Likewise, no UN resolutions, no isolationist threats, no incentives of the carrot and stick variety will work without an entente between Washington and Beijing. While the US may consider lifting sanctions to engage Khartoum, this will not produce normal relations, especially with the ICC indictment still dangling in front of Al Bashir.
Moreover, although no one should expect concessions by the Sudanese simply because of China's significant backing, the solution for Darfur is neither at the UN in New York, nor at the ICC in The Hague. It is in Beijing, and this is where world attention must be focused to alleviate tensions.
For their part, Arab states, both individually as well as collectively, ought to be proactive, for they have undeniable responsibilities towards the Sudanese — who are part and parcel of the Arab world even if they are on the African continent. League of Arab States officials have yet to produce a single significant policy to end the conflict, something that was not lost on Westerners, as well as the Chinese. Until Arab and Western powers formulate bold policies, no one should be surprised that China's Sudan policy ignores human rights. While it is critical to allow the UN, as well as Muslim, Arab, and African institutions to take care of the myriad problems in Sudan, it is important not to abdicate responsibility towards the weak. Our value is demonstrated by how much we care for those who are hurt.
Still, in the emerging multipolar world, in which the US can no longer act as the global policeman, others must assume their responsibilities.
This is why Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's about-face, asking Al Bashir not to attend the Istanbul OIC Summit, sounded so wrong. While Erdogan was warmly applauded after he mustered the courage to blame Israel for committing war crimes in Gaza, his dismissal of the accusations and indictment against Al Bashir, allegedly because a Muslim "could not commit genocide," highlighted his lack of moral clarity.
It behooves well-meaning leaders to understand that the crisis in Sudan is an Arab and Muslim responsibility par excellence. This is not just a humanitarian crisis, but a genuine calamity that deserves utmost attention.
Dr Joseph A. Kechichian is a commentator and author of several books on Gulf affairs.
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