Opinion | Columnists
Iran needs to strike a softer tone
Tehran would achieve more in the long run if it was alittle more sensitive to the concerns of its neighbours
- By Joseph A. Kechichian, Special to Gulf News
- Published: 00:00 April 22, 2010
- Image Credit: Illustration: Ramachandra Babu/Gulf News
- In the current American-Iranian cold war, Washington perceives Tehran as an irresponsible party, seeking to acquire nuclear weapons through sheer deceit.
US President Barack Obama welcomed 46 heads of state, prime ministers and other leaders to Washington on April 12 for what was termed a successful nuclear summit, at which an unrepresented Iran nevertheless occupied centre stage. Tehran responded with a counter-summit a few days ago, which assembled a B-list of dignitaries from 60 countries. As expected, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad drew strong applause when he called for the destruction of all atomic weapons, and invited the United States to get the ball rolling by eliminating its vast arsenal. Ayatollah Ali Khamenei used equally colourful language when he labelled the US an "atomic criminal", irked by Obama's earlier declaration that he would not rule out the use of nuclear weapons against Iran.
We are in a classic diplomatic tit-for-tat, a period that will continue unabated for a while, and which regrettably threatens to spill over into the non-verbal realm. What can be done to lower the tone?
The "atomic criminal" description, also translated as the world's "only nuclear scofflaw" by certain sources, was reminiscent of Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev's misquoted "We will bury you!", or his equally funny shoe-banging at the UN General Assembly in New York on October 12, 1960. During a routine 1984 microphone check, unaware that he was being broadcast, US president Ronald Reagan "rehearsed" these memorable words: "My fellow Americans, I'm pleased to tell you today that I've signed legislation that will outlaw Russia forever. We begin bombing in five minutes." Two years earlier, the paragon of rhetorical nuance identified the USSR as an "evil empire", which added to growing Cold War tensions. Naturally, Khrushchev and Reagan were not alone in practising such "skills", except that what passed for entertainment in certain circles threatened the peace of the world and the safety of billions.
At loggerheads
In the current American-Iranian cold war, Washington perceives Tehran as an irresponsible party, seeking to acquire nuclear weapons through sheer deceit. Iran retorts that it is entitled to develop nuclear energy and that the US is hypocritical since it assisted and continues to stand by a nuclearised Israel in the Middle East. The Iranian summit was held under the slogan ‘Nuclear energy for all, nuclear weapons for none', which was pure nonsense given that there are currently nine states that deploy such weapons of mass destruction: the five permanent UN Security Council members, (United States, Russia, United Kingdom, France, China), as well as India, Pakistan, North Korea and Israel. Together, these states have close to 20,000 weapons, mercifully down from the 1985 high of more than 63,000. Of course, Iran is not part of this club — although every indicator points to such an eventuality.
What was especially newsworthy in Tehran was the way Ahmadinejad took umbrage at Obama's declarations, asserting that "threatening with nuclear weapons only dishonoured American government officials, and more fully exposed their inhumane and aggressive policies". Unfortunately for him, concerned leaders everywhere perceived Iran's nuclear ambitions as a reality, with Russia and China playing far greater roles than many assume. Today, few believe Ayatollah Khamenei when he refers to his religious edict against the use of nuclear weapons, although his long-standing position is that the use of nuclear weapons is religiously forbidden — haram — and may be akin to a war crime.
For his part, Ahmadinejad condemned the Washington gathering as a humiliation to humanity, allegedly because participants were being hypocritical in advocating arms control while several participants retained huge nuclear weapons stockpiles. Mockingly, he further highlighted how those who threatened "to use weapons, especially nuclear weapons, [had] no clear logic and human thinking". Of course, and this is worth repeating, what the Iranian leader displayed was pure irritation over Washington's acceptance of the estimated 200 Israeli atomic warheads and, even worse, its silence over Israel's refusal to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Yet, few states took Ahmadinejad's call to replace the International Atomic Energy Agency with a new institution seriously.
Caught up in the American-Iranian nuclear campaigns are the conservative Arab Gulf countries. In fact, the latter face existential dilemmas. The Saudi king recently made an epochal decision by authorising the establishment of the King Abdullah Nuclear and Renewable Energy City in Riyadh. This will add fuel to the fire, because the king's announcement that Saudi Arabia will use atomic energy for peaceful purposes, especially in industry, agriculture, mining, desalination and the medical field, is the first step towards a new direction. Over time, the kingdom will surely acquire additional capabilities, which cannot but accelerate the regional arms race. Other countries are also eager to acquire such know-how in preparation for long-term programmes that will significantly change the regional equation.
After Iran becomes a nuclear power, GCC states will fall back on a two-pronged strategy: to seek temporary shelter under the American nuclear umbrella and, over the long-run, to equip themselves with the wherewithal to protect themselves from their hegemonic neighbour. Consequently, Iran's quest for regional supremacy, which requires the acquiescence of GCC states, will be severely tested. To better serve its interests, Tehran may want to lower the rhetorical tone, and consider more carefully its responses towards its Gulf neighbours.
Dr Joseph A. Kechichian is a commentator and author of several books on Gulf affairs.
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