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Few Iraqis will mourn Saddam
The execution of Saddam Hussain is supposed to bring closure to one of the most troubled periods in the recent history of the Middle East.
The execution of Saddam Hussain is supposed to bring closure to one of the most troubled periods in the recent history of the Middle East. But even after the former Iraqi dictator has been granted his wish to "face God in serenity", as he wrote in his farewell letter to the Iraqi people, his passing is unlikely to have much impact on the dramatic upheaval that Iraq has suffered since his overthrow in the spring of 2003.
Few Iraqis, it must be stressed, will mourn Saddam, even if their country has suffered the worst violence in its history in the years that have followed the fall of his detested regime. The Iraqis may not like the American-led occupation of their country, but they detest their former leader with a vengeance, so much so that Iraq's justice ministry was overwhelmed by the hundreds of volunteers offering their services as hangman.
This was a man whose maniacal policies whether launching unnecessary wars with Iran and Kuwait or the genocidal purges of his own people that were a perennial feature of Iraqi politics resulted in the deaths of up to one million people during the 35 years he dominated the nation.
The utter lack of any moral or ethical compass made Saddam a threat not just to his own country, but also to the entire region. About the only serious political aspiration he held throughout his career was to be the leader of a Saladin-like pan-Arab revival, in which all the Arab nations would be united under the rule of one benevolent leader Saddam Hussain.
Bright future
Irrespective of the rights and wrongs of America and Britain launching a military campaign to depose him in the spring of 2003, few can deny that the long-term future of Iraq and the wider Middle East is brighter without the butcher of Baghdad.
And while squeamish Western sensibilities may feel uneasy about the hanging of the former dictator, it was always going to be impossible to keep Saddam alive in captivity while his country hovered on the brink of civil war.
With strong pro-Saddam emotions still in evidence in Tikrit and among some Sunnis and remnants of the Baath party, the Iraqi government had no hesitation in approving the death sentence handed out by the court to Saddam following his conviction for the Dujail massacre.
Certainly, with Saddam out of the way, the government will be able to concentrate its energies on the altogether more pressing priority of addressing the parlous state of the country's national security, which has profound implications for the wider region and international security, too.
The fundamental problem that the Iraqi government faces as it attempts to bring the disastrous security situation under control is that the violence has got to the point where it has taken on a life of its own, irrespective of whether Saddam is dead or alive, on the run or in captivity.
Removing Saddam from the scene might satisfy the Iraqi people's bloodlust, but it will have precious little bearing on the determination of rival Sunni and Shiite Muslim groups to achieve their political goals through violence, rather than through the constitutional, democratic framework that the coalition has worked so hard to establish.
The best that can be hoped for from Saddam's demise is that it gives the Iraqi government the confidence to tackle and defeat the insurgency in a manner that has hitherto been lacking. Its failure to do so would have potentially disastrous consequences for both the future of Iraq and the region.
If the insurgent groups are allowed to prevail, there remains a serious prospect that Iraq will disintegrate into a bloody civil war that could ultimately result in the break-up of the country.
Con Coughlin is the author of 'Saddam: The Secret Life' (Pan Macmillan).
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