The Italian historian, Niccolo Machiavelli, spoke wise words when he said: “The Romans never allowed a trouble spot to remain simply to avoid going to war over it, because they knew that wars don’t just go away, they are only postponed to someone else’s advantage.”
Four weeks ago, Operation Zarb-e-Azb, a much-awaited military offensive against the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), Al Qaida and their allies began in Pakistan’s North Waziristan region, after all previous attempts to engage them in talks failed. Despite a ceasefire, the militants continued with “business as usual”, launching brazen, ruthless attacks on both military and civilian targets, even as the talks were in progress. But it was an audacious, deadly (and embarrassing) attack by TTP and Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan on Karachi’s international airport last month that galvanised public opinion and led the government to back the military’s insistence on a major offensive.
Success against the TTP and its allies will depend not just on whether the army is able to drive out the militants from North Waziristan, but also on how it will prevent future re-incursions and ensure that fleeing militants do not regroup or find safe havens elsewhere in the country. There is more — it will be simplistic to believe that this operation will be enough to end the cycle of violence and strife, emanating from and striking Pakistan time and again. What is required is a sound, anti-terrorism strategy that relies first and foremost on a national consensus. The people of Pakistan must acknowledge these terrorists as being a threat to the country’s respect and its standing in the world, and more importantly, its well-being and very existence.
The government must spend more on the training of intelligence and security forces, as well as the local police. Improved coordination and cooperation between those who secure Pakistan’s borders and those posted on local checkposts will mean they are better equipped to deal with those who disrupt the peace of the country, no matter where. All key entry and exit points must be secured and important infrastructure protected. Attacks such as the one on Karachi’s international airport cannot be allowed. However, the most important step — and this requires a strong will on our part to educate ourselves first about the teachings of Islam — is to work towards dismantling the educational infrastructure that spews venom and hatred, preparing countless young people to fight a battle that has little to do with Islam. Religious seminaries form a vital part of Pakistan’s education system, but they cannot be allowed to be the preparatory cradle for pupils who will eventually go out to fight someone else’s war.
A revised curriculum in these seminaries that teaches them modern subjects alongside the true teachings of Islam can work wonders in providing a counter-narrative for Pakistani youth, who are caught up in this education that leads to militancy.
It would also do Pakistan good to rethink its foreign policy, which condones religious extremism as a suitable diplomatic tool. Despite the fact that the Haqqani network or sectarian and anti-Indian jihadist groups disrupt regional peace, their presence is justified (or at least tolerated) because they are supposedly the “good” Taliban. This discriminatory stance harms Pakistan’s already dithering international standing, confuses the masses and does little to curb the threat of terrorism from both within Pakistan and beyond its borders.
Meanwhile, with the military operation underway, Pakistan’s most daunting task is to deal with the humanitarian fallout of Zarb-e-Azb. The Pashtuns of North Waziristan were hardly given time to evacuate, but once army jets flew in, they had no choice but to leave behind their homes and move into makeshift camps that the government scampered to set up. More than 700,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) are registered in these camps and the onus is on the government to ensure adequate resources for them.
A community-based approach may help in relief efforts. In fact, to ensure that terrorists do not infiltrate the camps, it may be a good idea to involve those living in the camps in the relief efforts. Mercifully, the people of Pakistan are also rising to the occasion, with philanthropists and volunteers setting up small offices to arrange basic amenities for the refugees. But at a time when good sense seems to prevail, there are also irresponsible statements emanating from the provinces, seeking to brand the IDPs as terrorists and Taliban sympathisers.
As distressing stories pour in from those who have escaped the wrath of the Taliban — and especially of children who have witnessed beheadings, shootings, drone attacks and bombings — those reaching the camps need support rather than condescension. Also, although donor fatigue has not set in yet, with apathy and disdain for the IDPs already rearing its ugly head, they may soon be turned into villains. Because it is too difficult to draw a timeline for this operation, the IDPs may be accused of eating into the limited resources and disrupting law and order in the metropolitan cities if they decide to live off-camp. The government must work towards appeasing the worries of those who cast these victims as villains. Strict vigilance on check posts and the process of registration of all IDPs, already in place, will hopefully ensure that no harmful elements are allowed easy passage to other parts of the country.
If Pakistan allows its IDPs to become refugees in their own country, it will have no one but itself to blame for further sectarian, provincial and ideological divisions and intra-state violence in the future.
Rabia Alavi is a Dubai-based writer. You can follow her on Twitter at www.twitter.com/@RabiaAlavi